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«Criminology of Europe: Inspiration by Diversity BOOK OF ABSTRACTS Prague, Czech Republic, 10−13 September 2014 The abstracts are published as ...»

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Keywords: Religiosity, Juvenile Delinquency, Panel Study, Immigration 10–13 September 2014, Prague, Czech Republic P11-15-3 Female Delinquency: Racial Differences Janice Joseph (Richard Stockton College of New Jersey, USA) Juvenile delinquency remains a serious problem in today’s society and is of great public concern. Research has identified the family as one of the four risks factors related to delinquency. Researchers have examined the effects of family type, family conflict, family competence, parenting practices, and family deviance on delinquency. For a very long time, researchers have focused almost exclusively on male delinquency and ignored female delinquency. However, in recent years, with the rise in female delinquency, there have been several attempts to study female delinquency and the factors that predispose females to commit delinquent acts. Studies have shown that family abuse, family dysfunction, inconsistent or lax supervision, and family criminality serve as predictors of female delinquency. This presentation examines (a) the racial differences in delinquency between Black and White female delinquents and (b) the role of the family factors play in explaining the delinquency of both groups. The family factors examined are family structure, physical punishment, parental monitoring, parent-child relationship, family conflict, and parental criminality.

Keywords: family, delinquency, race P11-15-4 The effect of protective and risk factors on changes in criminal behavior patterns among immigrant youth.

Hagit Turjeman (Western Galilee College, Israel) Research on criminal careers has generated a wealth of information regarding the longitudinal patterns of criminal activity but it remains in its infancy with respect to the study of immigrant offenders. Based on the current state of the empirical evidence regarding young immigrants, it remains unclear whether the acculturation process should be understood as a critical life event that impacts young immigrant offenders and whether it is a risk factor for individuals becoming adult offenders. The main aim of the current study was to explore the impact of the social and cultural adaptation of juvenile immigrants on their patterns of delinquent behavior.

This study have focused on immigrant youth from the former Soviet Union who participated in three consecutive waves of panel study (N=1400). Data analysis was carried out in two stages. First, we classified the sample into groups according to their patterns of delinquent behavior during a period of three years. Next, we examined the effect of risk and protective factors (which could be criminogenic as well as immigration variables) on the likelihood that respondents would engage in or desist from delinquency.

The study results clearly differentiate between risk and protective factors which predict criminal behavior and desisting from it. Criminogenic factors (such as delinquent peers and parental monitoring) were found to be more important than immigration factors (such as feelings of alienation and marginality or Hebrew language proficiency) in predicting all types of changes in delinquent behavior.

The longitudinal design of the study enabled us to measure the effect the changes in different criminogenic and immigration factors have on delinquency and to discuss their long term effects. Further results and their implication will be discussed.

Keywords: risk factors, protective factors, desistance, juvenile delinquency, immigrants

–  –  –

P11-16

CRIME RATES: GENDER AND OTHER CONTEXTS

Panel Chair: Clare Choak (University of Greenwich, UK) P11-16-1 It is only a matter of conventional life circumstances? The role of legal and deviant social contexts in explaining variations in offending rates (lambda) over time Dominique Laferrière (Universit de Montr al, Canada), Frédéric Ouellet (Universit de Montr al, Canada) The frequency at which individuals engage in crime is considered as one of the key dimensions of offending trajectories. However, little is still known about variations in offending rates over time and about the factors that may influence these temporal changes. Insights from empirical and theoretical work in life course criminology suggest that ties to conventional life circumstances that foster informal social control such as marital relationships and legal employment, exert an important impact on criminal trajectories.

Yet, to date such studies have generally neglected considering the influence of life events and conditions that pertain to deviant lifestyles. It is herein argued that circumstances such as increased access to criminal opportunities, arrests, legal surveillance, and increased criminal profits may also greatly influence offending, and that changes in such events might lead to non-negligible variations in crime commission rates. Based on detailed criminal career data from 172 offenders interviewed in five Canadian federal prisons, this study thus aims to evaluate the impact of both conventional and deviant life circumstances on short-term variations in offending frequency. Drawing from the life history calendars methodology, the proposed research design allows to disentangle the effect of life events and individuals characteristics on monthly crime commission rates over a three-year period. Results from multi-level modeling reveal the relative importance of dynamic life circumstances pertaining to both the legitimate and deviant realms of life. The impact of these findings for life course criminology is discussed.





Keywords: Offending rates, Life course criminology, Conventional and deviant life circumstances P11-16-2 Passive Appendages or Violent Girl Gangsters?: Young Women and Street Gangs in the UK Clare Choak (University of Greenwich, UK) Young women continue to be marginalised in criminology debates, particularly non-white females. This is particularly evident within the context of the gang agenda, whereby serious group offending is very much regarded as a ‘boyzone’. What’s striking about the UK gang literature, with few exceptions, is that little has changed in fifty years in terms of the representation of the female role. Young women have (and are) consistently been mooted as appendages and on the periphery. As a result they have been overlooked in policy - and when they do appear it tends to be in reference to their role as ‘girlfriend’ gaining status from their sexual relationships with their male counterparts or in regard to their sexual exploitation. The continued focus of young women as passive rather than agentic, and victims rather than perpetrators, has dominated the literature about gang experiences. This contradicts the media discourse of the ‘new violent girl gangster’ which is yet to be empirically substantiated. The current polarisation of victim or perpetrator is unsophisticated and ignores the many lived experiences of young women in these group offending contexts.

Keywords: Gangs, Gender, Victims, Perpetrators 10–13 September 2014, Prague, Czech Republic P11-16-3 The inclusion of precipitating and endogenous factors for a better understanding of the distribution of homicide rates in space and according to the victim's gender Catherine Montmagny Grenier (University of Montreal, Canada), Marc Ouimet (University of Montreal, Canada) Statistical data regarding sociodemographic factors (such as gross domestic product, child mortality rates and population growth rates) are generally considered possible explanations for the international variations of homicide rates. However, we believe that these variables are far down the causal chain of factors that lead to the occuring of violent offenses. In and of themselves, these variables are inadequat to catch every possible differences in the variations of homicide rates in space. Hence, the present communication seeks to highlight all the possible subtle differences by considering, in the analyses, variables that could be considered proximal to the offense, which makes them precipitating factors (for example, the access to firearms, drug consumption, and organized crime), as well as endogenous factors (such as the police, the courts and detention facilities). In order to fulfill this research objective, homicide rates, desagregated according to victim's gender, for more than 85 countries are analyzed in order to account for all the possible nuances and, thereby, improve our understanding of the distribution of violence in space.

Keywords: Homicide, violence, gender, international perspective P11-16-4 Crime victims’ reporting behaviour in Croatia: Why do women (not) report their victimization?

Valentina Asančaić (University of Zagreb, Centre for Croatian Studies, Croatia), Irena Cajner Mraović (University of Zagreb, Centre for Croatian Studies, Croatia), Dubravko Derk (Zagreb Holding, Croatia) The main goal of this presentation is to reveal women's reporting behaviour in Croatia and to analyse women's reasons for (non)reporting to the police in comparison to their male counterparts. The data has been collected through „The National Public Opinon Survey on Citizen Perception of Safety, Security and Poli e Collaboration with Lo al Comm nity in the Re bli of Croatia“ that has been done by United Nations Development Program and the Croatian Ministry of Interior. Interviews were conducted via telephone and personal interviewing. In a representative sample (N=4500), there are 43 victims of car theft (19 female), 188 victims of theft from the car (89 female), 293 victims of bike/motorbike theft (146 female), 184 victims of pocket-picking (121 female), 242 victims of burglary (121 female), 430 victims of fraud (192 female), 140 victims of robbery (73 female), 330 victims of physical assault (122 female), and 13 victims of rape (10 female). Pearson Chi-Square, Fisher’s Exact Test, and analysis of variance is used in data processing to examine how victims’ gender is related to reporting behaviour. Results show that the Croatian victims’ reporting behaviour is quite similar to victims’ reporting behaviour in other industrialized countries: reporting rates significantly vary in relation to the seriousness of crime and level of harm caused by the victimisation, except for rape which has serious consequences for victims, but reporting rates are extremely low. Reporting rates for property crimes are almost the same in male and female victims: they all equally report theft from car (61, 6% of male and 60,7% of female victims), bike or motorbike theft (51, 0% of male and 54,1% of female victims), pocket-picking (52, 4% of male and 50,4% of female victims), fraud (31,1% of male and 30,2% of female victims), and burglary (69, 4% of male and 76,0% of female victims). There is a slight, but not statistically significant difference in case of car theft that has been reported by 79,2% male victims but 100,0% female victims. Substantial and significant differences in reporting behaviour between male and female victims are found in the case of robbery (that is reported by 75,3% female and 47,8% male victims), and in case of physical assault (that is reported by 58,2% female and 26,9% male victims). However, the problem with female victims is that they calculate estimated costs and benefits of reporting their victimization to the police substantially more than male victims.

–  –  –

P11-18

VICTIMIZATION AND IPV: COUNTRY SPECIFIC ISSUES

Panel Chair: Luca Berardi (University of Alberta, Canada) P11-18-3 Women as victims of domestic violence in Spain Nieves Martinez Francisco (Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Spain) The domestic violence includes the crimes committed against the woman in a relationship; the assignments in the familiar area: woman against man; ascendancies, descendants, brothers; minor or incapable and vulnerable persons.

In Spain women who are victims of domestic violence from their partners have special protection under the law. Since 2004 there is a law of comprehensive protection measures against “Gender Violence” (name given when a woman is a victim of domestic violence). This law provides total protection resources seeking to prevent, punish and eradicate violence and assist women.

“Gender Violence” includes acts of physical and psychological violence, including aggressions against sexual freedom, threats, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty. Parliament has issued rules for politicalcriminal assistance taking into accountthe specific needs of each woman victim of domestic violence; this will have created different resources coordinated psychological, economic, legal, etc.

it is Important to emphasize the police action with this type of victims, programs exist orientated to facilitating the denunciation and protecting the victim of her aggressor across the Units of Prevention, Assistance and Protection to the Victims of Violence. Those units work together and coordinated with the justice and other associations involved in the help to the victim.

To know the reasons of gender Violence and its consequences, the social erroneous beliefs, to feel the social solidarity, etc., can help the victims to go out of the yoke of her aggressor.

Keywords: gender violence, units of prevention, special protection P11-18-4 You Won’t Catch Me Slippin’: Violence and Altered Mobility in Toronto Social Housing Luca Berardi (University of Alberta, Canada) Based on two years of ethnographic research, this paper examines the tactics that Toronto social housing residents use to avoid falling victim to gun-related violence as they navigate their neighbourhood. A combination of poor physical design and deep-seeded neighbourhood rivalries have created local “hotspots” where young Black men, in particular, continuously find themselves at risk of violent victimization at the hands of outsiders – i.e., irrespective of their criminal involvement or participation in inter-neighbourhood conflicts. Despite the inherent dangers, these hotspots are vital components of the neighbourhood that all residents (including the most vulnerable) must interact with on a daily basis. In response, the most streetwise social housing residents have adopted an unwritten and informal “street code” – one that not only governs their physical mobility, but also prevents them from “slipping” (i.e., getting caught off-guard and placed in positions of peril). Findings suggest that these tools not only provide the young men with the physical wherewithal needed to stay safe and alive, but also offer some semblance of emotional control and stability in an environment where the threat of gun-violence is both random and ever-looming.



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